Uri Avnery
2.5.09
The Emperor’s Old Clothes
EVERYBODY IS talking about
the first 100 days of Barack Obama. And there’s a lot to talk about.
Like a young bull he stormed
into the arena. A deluge of new ideas in every direction, a
tsunami of practical initiatives, some of which have already begun to be
implemented. Clearly he had been thinking about them for a long time and
intended to put them into practice from his first moment in office. He put his
team together long ago, and his people started to act even before his triumphal
entrance to the White House. During the first days he appointed the ministers, most
of whom he had designated long before - this seems to be an effective cabinet,
whose members are up to their tasks.
Everything according to a
rule that was laid down long ago: what a new president does not initiate in his
first 100 days, he will not accomplish later on. In the beginning everything is
easier, because the public is ready for change.
An Israeli cannot, of
course, resist comparing Obama to Binyamin Netanyahu, our old-new Prime
Minister, who did not exactly storm into the arena. He crawled into it.
ONE COULD have expected
that Netanyahu would trump even Obama in this respect.
After all, he has already
been there. Ten years ago he was sitting in the Prime Minister’s chair, gathering
experience. And from experience – especially bad experience – one can and
should learn.
Moreover, Netanyahu’s
victory was no great surprise. The only unexpected part of the election results
was that his opponent, Tzipi Livni,
won slightly more votes than he, but not enough to prevent him from attaining -
together with his partners - a majority.
He had, therefore, a lot
of time to prepare for his ascent to power, consult experts, perfect plans in
every field, choose his team, think about the appointment of ministers from his
own and allied parties.
Yet, incredibly, it
appears that nothing, really nothing, of all this happened. No plans, no
assistants, no team, no nothing.
To this very minute, Netanyahu
has not succeeded in putting together his personal team – a fundamental precondition
for any effective action. He does not have a chief of staff, a most important
position. In his office, chaos reigns supreme.
The choice of ministers threw
up one scandal after another. Not only did he put together a hideously bloated
cabinet (39 ministers and deputy ministers, most of them flaunting fictitious
titles) but almost all the important ministries are stuck with totally unsuited
persons.
At a time of world-wide economic
crisis he appointed to the Treasury a Minister who has no idea about economics,
apparently thinking that he himself would manage the treasury – quite
impossible for a man who is responsible for the state as a whole. The Ministry
of Health got an orthodox rabbi as Deputy Minister. In the middle of a world-wide
epidemic, we have no Minister of Health, and according to law the Prime
Minister has to exercise this function, too. In almost all the other ministries
– from Transportation to Tourism – there are incumbents who know nothing about
their fields of responsibility and don’t even pretend to be interested in them
– they are just waiting for an opportunity to move on to higher and better things.
No need to waste many words
on the appointment of Avigdor Lieberman to the
Foreign Ministry. This professional scandalmonger provokes a daily scandal in
this most sensitive area of government. The bull in the china shop has already
succeeded into turning all the diplomats into small bullocks, each of which is
running about and smashing the dishes in his vicinity. At the moment, they are
busy messing up Israel’s relations with the EU.
All these appointments
look like the desperate efforts of a cynical politician who does not care about
anything other than returning to power, and then quickly putting together a
cabinet, whatever its composition, paying any price to any party prepared to
join him, sacrificing even the most vital interests of the state.
AS FAR as plans are
concerned, Netanyahu does not resemble Obama either. He has come to power
without any plans in any field. One gets the impression that he has spent his
years in opposition with his head in hibernation
A week ago he presented a
grandiose “economic plan” for saving our economy from the ravages of the world
economic crisis. Economists raised their eyebrows. The “plan” consists of little
more than a collection of tired old slogans and a tax on cigarettes. His embarrassed assistants stuttered that it was only a “general
outline”, not yet a plan, and that now they would start working on a real plan.
The public did not really
worry about the lack of an economic plan. They have faith in improvisation, the
wondrous Israeli talent that makes up for the inability to plan anything.
But in the political field,
the situation is even worse. Because there the unpreparedness
of Netanyahu meets the overpreparedness of Obama.
Obama has a plan for the
restructuring of the Middle East, and one of its elements is an
Israeli-Palestinian peace based on “Two States for Two Peoples”. Netanyahu
argues that he is not in a position to respond, because he has no plan of his
own yet. After all, he is quite new in office. Now he is working on such a
plan. Very soon, in a week, or a month, or a year, he will have a plan, a real
plan, and he will present it to Obama.
Or course, Netanyahu has
a plan. It consists of one word, which he learned from his mentor, Yitzhak
Shamir: “NO”. Or, more precisely, NO NO NO - the three no’s of the Israeli Khartoum: No peace, No
withdrawal, No negotiations. (It will be remembered that the
1967 Arab summit conference in Khartoum, right after the Six-day War, adopted a
similar resolution.)
The “plan” which he is
working on does not really concern the essence of this policy, but only the packaging.
How to present to Obama something that will not sound like “no”, but rather
like “yes, but”. Something that all the serfs of the Israeli lobby in Congress
and the media can swallow painlessly.
AS A taster for the
“plan”, Netanyahu has already presented one of its ingredients: the demand that
the Palestinians and other Arabs must recognize Israel as “the State of the
Jewish People”.
Most of the media in
Israel and abroad have distorted this demand and reported that Netanyahu requires
the recognition of Israel as a “Jewish State”.
Either from ignorance or laziness, they obliterated the important difference
between the two formulas.
This difference is
immense. A “Jewish State” is one thing, a “State of
the Jewish People” is something radically different.
A “Jewish State” can mean
a state with a majority of citizens who define themselves as Jews and/or a
state whose main language is Hebrew, whose main culture is Jewish, whose weekly
rest day is Saturday, which serves only Kosher food in
the Knesset cafeteria etc.
A “State of the Jewish
People” is a completely different story. It means that the state belongs not
only to its citizens, but to something that is called “the Jewish People” –
something that exists both inside and outside of the country. That can have
wide-ranging implications. For instance: the abrogation of the citizenship of
non-Jews, as proposed by Lieberman. Or the conferring of Israeli
citizenship on all the Jews in the world, whether they want it or not.
The first question that
arises is: what does “the Jewish People” mean? The term “people” - “am” in
Hebrew, Volk in German – has no accepted precise definition. Generally it is
taken to mean a group of human beings who live in a specific territory and
speak a specific language. The “Jewish People” is not like that.
Two hundred years ago it
was clear that the Jews were a religious community dispersed throughout the
world and united by religious beliefs and myths (including the belief in a
common ancestry). The Zionists were determined to change this self-perception.
“We are a people, one people”, Theodor Herzl, the founder of Zionism, wrote in
German, using the word Volk.
The idea of “the State of
the Jewish People” is decidedly anti-Zionist. Herzl did not dream of a
situation in which a Jewish State and a Jewish Diaspora would coexist.
According to his plan, all the Jews who wish to remain Jews would immigrate to
their state. The Jews who prefer to live outside the state would stop being
Jews and be absorbed into their host nations, finally becoming real Germans,
Britons and Frenchmen. The vision of the “Visionary of the State” (as he is
officially designated in Israel) was supposed, when put into practice, to bring
about the disappearance of the Jewish Diaspora – the Jewish people outside the
“Judenstaat”.
David Ben-Gurion was a
partner to this vision. He stated that a Jew who does not immigrate to Israel is
not a Zionist and should not enjoy any rights in Israel, except the right to
immigrate there. He demanded the dismantling of the Zionist organization,
seeing in it only the “scaffolding” for building the state. Once the state has
been set up, he thought quite rightly, the scaffolding should be discarded.
NETANYAHU’S DEMAND that
the Palestinians recognize Israel as “the State of the Jewish People” is
ridiculous, even as a tactic for preventing peace.
A state recognizes a
state, not its ideology or political regime. Nobody recognizes Saudi Arabia,
the homeland of the Hajj, as “the State of the Muslim Umma”
(the community of believers.)
Moreover, the demand puts
the Jews all over the world in an impossible position. If the Palestinians have
to recognize Israel as “the State of the Jewish People”, then all the
governments in the world must do the same. The United States, for example. That
means that the Jewish US citizens Rahm Emmanuel and
David Axelrod, Obama’s closest advisors, are officially represented by the
government of Israel. The same goes for the Jews in Russia, the UK and France.
Even if Mahmoud Abbas were persuaded to
accept this demand – and thereby indirectly put in doubt the citizenship of a
million and a half Arabs in Israel – I would oppose this strenuously. More than
that, I would consider it an unfriendly act.
The character of the
State of Israel must be decided by the citizens of Israel (who hold a wide
range of opinions about this matter). Pending before the Israeli courts is an
application by dozens of Israeli patriots, including myself, who demand that
the state recognize the “Israeli nation”. We request the court to instruct the government
to register us in the official Population Registration, under the heading
“nation”, as Israelis. The government refuses adamantly and insists that our
nation is Jewish.
I ask Mahmoud
Abbas, Obama and everyone else who is not an Israeli
citizen not to interfere in this domestic debate.
Netanyahu knows, of
course, that nobody will take his demand seriously. It is quite obviously just
another device to avoid serious peace negotiations. If he is compelled to drop it,
it will not be long before he comes up with another.
To paraphrase Groucho Marx: “This is my pretext. If you don’t like it, well,
I have a lot of others.”