Israel Palestine
Middle East Conflict
Uri Avnery
7.11.09
A Line
in the Sand
MAHMOUD ABBAS is fed up. The day
before yesterday he withdrew his candidacy for the coming presidential election
in the Palestinian Authority.
I understand him.
He feels betrayed. And the
traitor is Barack Obama.
A YEAR ago, when Obama was
elected, he aroused high hopes in the Muslim world, among the Palestinian
people as well as in the Israeli peace camp.
At long last an American
president who understood that he had to put an end to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict,
not only for the sake of the two peoples, but mainly for the US national
interests. This conflict is largely responsible for the tidal waves of
anti-American hatred that sweep the Muslim masses from ocean to ocean.
Everybody believed that a new era
had begun. Instead of the Clash of Civilizations, the Axis of
Evil and all the other idiotic but fateful slogans of the Bush era, a new
approach of understanding and reconciliation, mutual respect and practical
solutions.
Nobody expected Obama to exchange
the unconditional pro-Israeli line for a one-sided pro-Palestinian attitude.
But everybody thought that the US would henceforth adopt a more even-handed
approach and push the two sides towards the Two-State Solution. And, no less
important, that the continuous stream of hypocritical and sanctimonious blabbering
would be displaced by a determined, vigorous, non-provocative but purposeful
policy.
As high as the hopes were then,
so deep is the disappointment now. Nothing of all these has come about. Worse:
the Obama administration has shown by its actions and omissions that it is not really
different from the administration of George W. Bush.
FROM THE first moment it was clear
that the decisive test would come in the battle of the settlements.
It may seem that this is a
marginal matter. If peace is to be achieved within two years, as Obama’s people
assure us, why worry about another few houses in the settlements that will be
dismantled anyway? So there will be a few thousand settlers more to resettle. Big deal.
But the freezing of the
settlements has an importance far beyond its practical effect. To return to the
metaphor of the Palestinian lawyer: “We are negotiating the division of a
pizza, and in the meantime, Israel is eating the pizza.”
The American insistence on
freezing the settlements in the entire West Bank and East Jerusalem was the
flag of Obama’s new policy. As in a Western movie, Obama drew a line in the
sand and declared: up to here and no further! A real cowboy cannot withdraw
from such a line without being seen as yellow.
That is precisely what has now happened.
Obama has erased the line he himself drew in the sand. He has given up the clear
demand for a total freeze. Binyamin Netanyahu and his people announced proudly -
and loudly - that a compromise had been reached, not, God forbid, with the
Palestinians (who are they?) but with the Americans. They have allowed
Netanyahu to build here and build there, for the sake of “Normal Life”, “Natural
Increase”, “Completing Unfinished Projects” and other transparent pretexts of
this kind. There will not be, of course, any restrictions in Jerusalem, the
Undivided Eternal Capital of Israel. In short, the settlement activity will
continue in full swing.
To add insult to injury, Hillary
Clinton troubled herself to come to Jerusalem in person in order to shower
Netanyahu with unctuous flattery. There is no precedent to the sacrifices he is
making for peace, she fawned.
That was too much even for Abbas, whose patience and self-restraint are legendary. He
has drawn the consequences.
“TO UNDERSTAND all is to forgive
all,” the French say. But in this case, some things are hard to forgive.
Certainly, one can understand
Obama. He is engaged in a fight for his political life on the social front, the
battle for health insurance. Unemployment continues to rise. The news from Iraq
is bad, Afghanistan is quickly turning into a second
Vietnam. Even before the award ceremony, the Nobel Peace Prize looks like a joke.
Perhaps he feels that the time is
not ripe for provoking the almighty pro-Israel lobby. He is a politician, and
politics is the art of the possible. It would be possible to forgive him for
this, if he admitted frankly that he is unable to realize his good intentions
in this area for the time being.
But it is impossible to forgive
what is actually happening. Not the scandalous American treatment of the Goldstone
report. Not the loathsome behavior of Hillary in Jerusalem. Not the mendacious
talk about the “restraint” of the settlement activities. The more so as all this
goes on with total disregard of the Palestinians, as if they were merely extras
in a musical.
Not only has Obama given up his
claim to a complete change in US policy, but he is actually continuing the
policy of Bush. And since Obama pretends to be the opposite of Bush, this is
double treachery.
Abbas reacted
with the only weapon he has at his command: the announcement that he will leave
public life.
THE AMERICAN policy in the “Wider
Middle East” can be compared to a recipe in a cookbook: “Take five eggs, mix
with flour and sugar…
In real life: Take a local
notable, give him the paraphernalia of government, conduct “free elections”,
train his security forces, turn him into a
subcontractor.
This is not an original recipe.
Many colonial and occupation regimes have used it in the past. What is so special about its use by the Americans is the
“democratic” props for the play. Even if a cynical world does not believe a
word of it, there is the audience back home to think about.
That is how it was done in the
past in Vietnam. How Hamid Karzai
was chosen in Afghanistan and Nouri Maliki in Iraq. How Fouad Siniora has been kept in Lebanon. How Muhammad Dahlan was to be installed in the Gaza Strip (but was at
the decisive moment forestalled by Hamas.)
In most of the Arab countries, there is no need for this recipe, since
the established regimes already satisfy the requirements.
Abbas was
supposed to fill this role. He bears the title of President, he was elected
fairly, an American general is training his security
forces. True, in the following parliamentary elections his party was soundly beaten,
but the Americans just ignored the results and the Israelis imprisoned the
undesirable Parliamentarians. The show must go on.
BUT ABBAS is not satisfied with
being the egg in the American recipe.
I first met him 26 years ago.
After the first Lebanon War, when we (Matti Peled, Ya’acov Arnon and I) went to Tunis to meet Yasser Arafat, we saw Abbas first. That was the case every time we came to Tunis
after that. Peace with Israel was the “desk” of Abbas.
Conversations with him were
always to the point. We did not become friends, as with Arafat. The two were of
very different temperament. Arafat was an extrovert, a warm person who liked personal
gestures and physical contact with the people he talked with. Abbas is a self-contained introvert who prefers to keep people
at a distance.
From the political point of view,
there is no real difference. Abbas is continuing the
line laid down by Arafat in 1974: a Palestinian state within the pre-1967
borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital. The difference is in the method.
Arafat believed in his ability to influence Israeli public opinion. Abbas limits himself to dealings with rulers. Arafat
believed that he had to keep in his arsenal all possible means of struggle:
negotiations, diplomatic activity, armed struggle, public relations, devious maneuvers. Abbas puts
everything in one basket: peace negotiations.
Abbas does not
want to become a Palestinian Marshal Petain. He does not want to head a local
Vichy regime. He knows that he is on a slippery slope and has decided to stop
before it is too late.
I think, therefore, that his
intention to leave the stage is serious. I believe his assertion that it is not
just a bargaining ploy. He may change his decision, but only if he is convinced
that the rules of the game have changed.
OBAMA WAS completely surprised.
That has never happened before: an American client, totally dependent on
Washington, suddenly rebels and poses conditions. That is exactly what Abbas has done now, when he recognized that Obama is unwilling to fulfill
the most basic condition: to freeze the settlements.
From the American point of view,
there is no replacement. There are certainly some capable people in the
Palestinian leadership, as well as corrupt ones and collaborators. But there is
no one who is capable of rallying around him all the West Bank population. The
first name that comes up is always Marwan Barghouti, but he is in prison and the Israeli government
has already announced that he will not be released even if elected. Also, it is
not clear whether he is willing to play that role in the present conditions.
Without Abbas, the entire American recipe comes
apart.
Netanyahu, too, was utterly
surprised. He wants phony negotiations, devoid of substance, as a camouflage
for the deepening of the occupation and enlarging of the settlements. A “Peace process” as a substitute for peace. Without a
recognized Palestinian leader, with whom can he “negotiate”?
In Jerusalem, there is still hope
that Abbas’ announcement is merely a ploy, that it
would be enough to throw him some crumbs in order to change his mind. It seems
that they do not really know the man. His self-respect will not allow him to go
back, unless Obama awards him a serious political achievement.
From Abbas’
point of view, the announcement of his retirement is the doomsday weapon.